In an interview with the Hawzah News Agency, Hojatoleslam Zain al-Abidin, a researcher from West Bengal, India, elaborated on the concept of Islamic resistance, its relationship with political Islam, and the role of the Guardianship of the Jurist (Wilayat al-Faqih) in shaping Iran's strategy. The full text of the interview follows:
Q: How do you define the concept of "Islamic resistance"? Is it limited to military resistance, or does it also encompass political, social, and cultural dimensions?
Hojatoleslam Zain al-Abidin: Islamic resistance is a multifaceted and broad concept with political, social, ethical, and cultural dimensions. In the common Western understanding, resistance is often interpreted within a framework of violence, confrontation, or military confrontation. However, in Islamic literature and discourse, "resistance" has a far broader meaning. In this framework, resistance is a kind of ethical and political stance against oppression, injustice, and hegemony — one founded on defending the rights of the oppressed, striving for justice, and safeguarding the identity, independence, and dignity of the Islamic Ummah.
Within the framework of the Islamic Republic of Iran, resistance is not viewed merely as confronting external threats and pressures, but as part of a broader discourse and approach in politics, governance, and international relations. From this perspective, resistance within a political structure based on the Guardianship of the Jurist has a deep and structural connection to the foundations of Islamic political thought, and is one of the key components in explaining the Islamic Republic's approach to domestic and international developments.
Iran's Islamic Revolution demonstrated that political Islam is not merely a theoretical concept or an abstract idea — it can take the form of a political and governmental system and become a practical model for administering society and regulating political and social relations. In this framework, politics and resistance are not considered entirely separate domains; rather, in the intellectual system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, they are closely and mutually intertwined — two sides of the same coin.
On the other hand, in the Muslim world, we must avoid fueling sectarian divisions and Shia-Sunni confrontation. Muslims share many principles and values. Love for the Holy Quran and the Ahl al-Bayt (PBUT) is among these commonalities. Therefore, instead of focusing on differences, we must rely on these commonalities and use their potential to strengthen the unity and solidarity of the Islamic Ummah.
Q: Given this definition, can Islamic resistance in Iran be considered an extension and practical manifestation of "political Islam"? How do you assess the relationship between these two concepts?
Hojatoleslam Zain al-Abidin: Exactly. Political Islam means not limiting Islam to the realm of worship and individual life, but also considering and implementing Islamic principles and values in social, political, governance, and international relations arenas. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the culture of resistance is one of the important pillars of this approach.
From the era of Imam Khomeini (RA) to the present, the Islamic Republic of Iran has emphasized that political Islam does not merely mean striving to attain political power; it also encompasses responsibility toward the oppressed and support for subjugated nations. From this perspective, Iran does not view the Palestinian issue, resistance in Lebanon, or the crisis in Yemen merely as geopolitical matters tied to regional rivalries — it also considers them from the perspective of ethical and Islamic values and responsibilities.
Of course, a subtle point must be noted here: political Islam can manifest in various forms and models — for example, the model of Guardianship of the Jurist in Iran, the resistance model of Hamas and Hezbollah, or the organizational model of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Each of these currents and models, despite intellectual, structural, and historical differences, seeks — from the perspective of its supporters — to realize justice and Islamic values.
Q: To what extent has Iran's model of Islamic resistance been accepted among Muslims worldwide? Some critics argue that Iran's resistance approach is predominantly Shia in nature, which could deepen the Shia-Sunni divide. What is your view on this criticism, and what approach does Iran follow to strengthen Islamic unity within the framework of the resistance discourse?
Hojatoleslam Zain al-Abidin: This criticism can be considered partly valid and, in some cases, exaggerated. The reality is that Iran's Islamic resistance has a clear identity and background in the Shia school, as this approach has been influenced by Shia beliefs, jurisprudence, and history. But to conclude from this that Iran's Islamic resistance is inherently in confrontation with Sunni Muslims is an exaggerated reading.
It must be noted that the fundamental principles of Islamic resistance — including standing against oppression and supporting the oppressed — are rooted in general and shared Islamic teachings and the Holy Quran, and are not exclusive to Shia or Sunni. Hamas is an example of a Sunni-oriented Islamic resistance movement that Iran supports. Hezbollah in Lebanon is a Shia movement, but within the framework of Lebanese national resistance, cooperation and solidarity among various groups and segments — including Sunni Muslims and Christians — has also been present.
Of course, the issue of sectarian differences and divisions cannot be attributed to one side alone. The Islamic Republic of Iran also believes that without unity and solidarity among Muslims, achieving common goals and sustaining the resistance movement will face difficulties.
From my perspective, Islamic unity is not merely a political and strategic necessity — it is also a religious responsibility. Alongside sectarian and jurisprudential differences, Muslims share many commonalities. Love for the Holy Quran and the Ahl al-Bayt (PBUT) is among the most important of these. Therefore, by relying on these common grounds, we must reduce differences and misunderstandings and pave the way for greater convergence and unity among Muslims.
Q: How does Iran's strategy of Islamic resistance relate to and align with the theoretical framework of "political Islam," particularly the principle of "Guardianship of the Jurist"? In this framework, what role does Wilayat al-Faqih play in explaining and directing the discourse and strategy of resistance?
Hojatoleslam Zain al-Abidin: Guardianship of the Jurist is one of the models of governance based on political Islam thought that has been implemented in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this model, religious and political leadership are joined within a single framework. Resistance also holds a fundamental place in this framework, because from this perspective, the responsibility of Islamic governance is not limited to managing the country's internal affairs — confronting the hegemony and influence of foreign powers is also part of its duties.
From Imam Khomeini's (RA) perspective, the legitimacy and effectiveness of Islamic governance are tied to its adherence to Islamic principles and values and its ability to realize justice. In this view, standing against the hegemony and colonialism of foreign powers is one of the important components of justice-seeking and political independence. Therefore, in the discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran, resistance is not merely a "foreign policy" or a diplomatic tool — it is also connected to the foundations and existential philosophy of the political system.
Of course, I must emphasize that political Islam should not be reduced merely to power politics and the balance of forces. Political Islam is also concerned with ethics and responsibility. The Islamic Republic of Iran has repeatedly declared that it does not seek nuclear weapons, citing religious and ethical foundations and considerations in this regard. At the same time, Iran emphasizes its right to self-defense and to preserve the country's security and independence, because from this perspective, possessing defensive capability and preventing the domination of others does not contradict ethical principles and political responsibilities.
Q: Finally, given the Islamic Republic of Iran's experience in Islamic resistance and political Islam, what lessons and experiences can Muslims and Islamic societies learn from this experience to face future developments in the Muslim world?
Hojatoleslam Zain al-Abidin: One of the most important lessons is that Islam is not only a path to individual transcendence and salvation — it also has extensive teachings and capacities for realizing social justice. Political Islam emphasizes this very truth and seeks to realize Islamic values and principles in the social arena and in governance structures.
At the same time, Iran's experience can also carry this lesson: if political Islam is reduced merely to competition and attaining political power, it may distance itself from its ethical foundations and support base. The true power of resistance lies in its ethical stance — standing against oppression, defending the rights of the oppressed, and supporting the oppressed. Without such a foundation, resistance too may transform from an ethical ideal into merely a kind of competition for power.
The Muslim world today, more than ever, needs Muslims — despite religious and jurisprudential differences — to achieve unity and convergence on their shared interests and goals. The Shia-Sunni divide must not become a factor in weakening the Islamic Ummah. The movement must begin from common minimums — the Holy Quran, the principle of prophethood, and the value of justice — and from this point, advance toward broader unity and cooperation.
Islamic resistance can become a comprehensive movement only when it transcends the level of a single country or a single sect and becomes an ethical and human approach across the entire Islamic Ummah — an approach centered on fighting oppression, supporting the oppressed, and defending justice.
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